By Julio C. Gambina
Two logical sequences define the course of global restructuring and the current discussion agenda around the world. One refers to the attacks in New York and Washington, and the other to the subsequent military aggression commanded by Bush, and for now concentrated in Afghanistan. Two sequences that have a previous and twinned history in the terrorist actions organized by offices of the North American government in different latitudes. Training "against the red danger" by the CIA of "fighters" and encouragement
to a certain primitive religious fundamentalism, which then reverts its actions to the creators of the creature. In all cases, the occasion is ripe to advance the restructuring of capitalism. Human costs are subordinate to the accumulation strategy.
It is a fact that the situation verifies the existence of state budgets to finance terror in distant territories and that they end, with other budgets obtained in the globalized money markets, generating terror in new vulnerable spaces. Thus, the fabric of global capital links the capitalist states with private fractions that do not subordinate their accumulation strategy to any civilizing mandate. In the era of privatizations and the dominance of the market, the figure of the State reappears visible to show its change of function, in this case in the financing and organization of the systemic insurgency and the war of extermination over the peoples. A whole action to demining the spaces (markets) and favoring the circulation of capital.
The attack on Afghanistan is one more of those led by the US, in an era that was marked by the "end of history" and the "absence of events", as announced by fashionable philosophers. From Iraq to Afghanistan and passing through Kosovo and other areas of warfare, a decade has passed where war, militarization and the extermination of the population stain everything. Neither the end of the story, nor the absence of events, the cycle of life flows and the struggle between projects continues to define the course of events. Before it was called "class struggle" and now, some find it difficult to sustain old categories that continue to explain reality. Of course, now the classes confront from differentiated historical experiences, where the manipulation of the consensus and the use of military potential occupy a central place in the installation of a new world order that replaces the old bipolar world. Workers, in turn, as a synthesizing category of one of the antagonistic parts, undergo mutations, which, while they spread quantitatively among the global population, their capacity for organization and socio-political structuring for the development of an alternative is deteriorated. civilizing, overcoming capitalism.
The existence of victims moves and affects social sensitivity and they are disregarded by those responsible for the materialization of terror, which must be said, goes beyond the events of September 11 and the current military response that involves Argentina voluntarily explicit statement of its government and the acquiescence of the institutions of the National Constitution. The incessantly reproduced images operate on the social imaginary, modulating as never before the consensus to the hegemonic values of capitalism in its current stage of transnational development.
Warlike and ideological propagandistic action that takes up the momentum of an economic initiative in recessive times, but also a political one, stitching up cracks to favor North American hegemony throughout the world. The symbolic put at the service of the production of the system of exploitation and domination. The production of surplus value extends from its essential place, the factory or the field of material production, to the generation of symbols to naturalize and eternalize a regime of life. Not for nothing does the reproduction of images stop at the towers and hide away from the pentagon, seat of the concentration of aggressive wills and plot in any part that is functional to the interests of the hegemonic state of capitalism.
Why do we suggest that these events operate on restructuring, regardless of who was behind their perpetration, not yet elucidated? The Japanese crisis during the 1990s, the slow evolution of the European economy in recent years, and the current slowdown in the United States, technically on the verge of being considered a recession, was a fact of reality. It seems that the engine that lubricated two successful economic periods of the Democratic administration has stopped. The recessionary trend of the more developed capitalist economies is prior to the events and these made it possible to highlight it and justify the massive layoffs resolved in the sectors directly involved by the actions of terrorism, such as airlines, insurance, tourism and the finances.
The decision to reduce staff was prior and the opportunity was seized in favor of the capital appreciation cycle. At the same time, the arguments to support "defense" budgets and to encourage the economic lobby linked to the military industrial complex and, as in many other occasions, to oil, are legitimized, a sector where, coincidentally, the US president defines his fortune. The warlike dynamic stimulates the mercantile circulation of armaments, including smuggling and related financial deals, such as money laundering and global economic crime in all its magnitude. But also to the advanced technology sector, which in the last year had fallen and was expressed in the fall of the NASDAQ index. It is known that the land invasion is postponed until after the current remote-controlled war actions and even, the actions of conventional warfare include advanced technology.
There are several fronts of activity in global restructuring and among them the continental objective is worth highlighting. In the immediate aftermath of the attacks, the OAS moved forward in its mandate by accelerating agreements that enforce the FTAA calendar. It is known that the presidential summit in Quebec last April had encountered an obstacle for Venezuela to sign a legitimizing agreement for the "representative democracies" existing in Latin America. After several frustrated attempts since then, the body that excludes Cuba obtained the necessary conditions for the signing of one of the clauses to advance in the trade agreement demanded by the US and to which most of the governments in the region and capitals are associated. more concentrated.
In the North American Parliament, the political occasion is also favored to approve the negotiating capacity of the US executive with the countries of the continent. Necessary issue to materialize in 2005 the beginnings of the tariff agreement that defines the FTAA. Special mention should be made of the actions of the Argentine government and society. Another position could not be expected from the government. Whether carnal relationships or whatever they are called, in recent years the subordination of local foreign policy to the needs of the northern country has been ratified. The consequent loss of sovereignty ends in the eternally suggested dollarization of the local economy. Issue in which progress is made progressively and where bank deposits confirm the tendency of economic actors to favor the dollar over the Argentine peso.
Increasingly, it relies on humor and the decisions of state officials and US-based multinational companies. Before September 11, the rulers of Argentina had agreed financial assistance with the US Treasury and channeled through the IMF, both for the recomposition of international reserves, and for the refinancing of Argentina's unpayable and eternal foreign debt. The local crisis appeared to affect the global business cycle and the resolution of a hecatomb, the Argentine default, was of global interest, which could affect an economy that was recessive. The scene has now changed and priorities go the other way.
This does not prevent the continuity of the previous agreements, but at the same time it calls for the self-sustaining paths of the local restructuring of capitalism to be followed. In good romance, it means that not much more can be expected from abroad to sustain Cavallo's convertibility and economic policy, and therefore, the perspective of deepening the adjustment that delays devaluation measures or measures is imposed from the social bloc in power. ex officio dollarization. It is easy to imagine that the recurring tightening will persist in its discharge on the expenditure budgets of the Provinces, retirees and pensioners and state workers, but also on the whole of social spending, as in these days it materialized in the reduction of the cultural parties that led the coordinator of areas of culture to denounce this restriction of resources as a cultural genocide.
The policy of war and association with the command of it is the official position and of the complacent opposition associated with the strategy of subordination. On the other side emerges a militant proposal from those who demand for peace. It is a position that emerges worldwide, even within the United States and that does not recognize borders, including the Arab countries. What happens, however, with Argentine society? It seems that the war is distant and only gives for intimate reflections in the family table in front of the television or in the sporadic conversation in the office or social meeting place.
Doesn't war affect our daily lives? Isn't the aforementioned adjustment renewed within the framework of a relaunch of the reactionary reconversion strategy? The answer to the questions can be associated with what is structurally happening with Argentine society. A society essentially affected by the actions of State terrorism, the terror of hyper inflation and unemployment, but which extends over time the origins of a lack of a project to constitute a sovereign country. Perhaps the entire twentieth century was consumed in the search for a concealed identity for multiple reasons and that today are evident in the political situation with discredit to the elected representatives and at the same time, the stubbornness in reiterating representations clearly far from social demands for a new time.
In any case, the harsh reality can encourage a debate on the present and future of Argentina, its place in the world and even how to influence the global transformations that had begun to insinuate itself in the resistance movement to neoliberal globalization. , with a strong resistant mass in Genoa and an attempt that will soon be renewed in Porto Alegre with the World Social Forum. In this regard, another question arises: how did current events affect the global resistance movement? In his bosom, after the murder of Carlo Giuliani, a discussion about violence began. Today it reopens in the discussion on terrorism. Fear, an issue that Argentine society has been imprisoned for for years, can enable us to reflect on self-improvement. The worst that can happen is that murder or repression, or that terrorism, comes from where it comes, stops the constitution of subjects that build the society of freedom against exploitation.
* Professor of Political Economy at the Law School of the National University of Rosario. Member of the Academic Council and the Coordination Committee of ATTAC in Argentina. Director of the Institute of Cooperation. Director of the Center for Studies of the Argentine Judicial Federation (CTA). Professor at the Popular University Mothers of Plaza de Mayo.