TOPICS

The war of conquest over the Mexican countryside

The war of conquest over the Mexican countryside

By Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos

The current stage of capitalism is, strictly speaking, a new war of conquest. The world is thus rediscovered over and over again each time the new god, the market, converts goods that were previously ignored or remained outside the commercial circuit into commodities.

The new dispossession ... 5 centuries later


Allow me to start this talk, first of all by thanking the comrades of the Center for Political Analysis and Social and Economic Research AC (better known by the Zapatistas as “the CAPISE”) and those who made it possible for this round table to be held which, Who could imagine it, it is square (or rectangular, depending on the case or thing, depending on). We also thank CIDECI and Dr. Raymundo Sánchez Barraza for their customary hospitality in the facilities that, through thick and thin, keep operating as an educational and ecological alternative.

As EZLN we have been invited to this kind of neo-start of the second stage of our direct participation in The Other Campaign, to participate in the theme of THE WAR OF CONQUEST ON THE MEXICAN FIELD.

To understand our position on this matter, it is necessary to know ...

Some initial estimates

A) About the Neoliberal War:

1.- In some text of those that allows us Zapatistas to say “I hate to say that I told you, but I told you so”, called “Seven Loose Pieces of the World Puzzle”, almost seven years ago (June 1997), we describe roughly the path that capitalism would follow and follows in its current phase. So we define it as a route of war, a war of conquest, a world war, the Fourth, totally total. A war that surpassed the others in brutality, but repeated the guidelines of a traditional war of conquest: destroy and depopulate, and then rebuild and repopulate.

2.- The current stage of capitalism is, strictly speaking, a new war of conquest. The world is thus rediscovered over and over again each time the new god, the market, converts goods that were previously ignored or remained outside the commercial circuit into commodities.

3.- Thus, the water, the air, the land, the goods contained in the subsoil, the genetic codes, and all those "things" that were previously unknown or lacked use and exchange value, have become, during the dizzying last years, in a commodity.

An example is that of the water tables and natural springs that try to be protected by the Zapatista indigenous people in the camp they maintain at Cerro de Huitepec, in the mountains of southeastern Mexico. A transnational company that bottles well-known cola (pay attention please) is extracting the liquid and turning it into merchandise.

In return for the large profits the company makes, the proud and arrogant Jovel receives nothing in return but saturation of her landscape with the annoying two-tone red and white of her wavy logo.

4.- The merchandise that remains, despite technological and informational changes and advances, is the labor force, the workers in the countryside and the city. The capitalist dream of a world without workers, only robots and machines that do not demand their rights or unionize or strike, is that: a dream. Another world will be possible on the corpse of capitalism as the dominant system.

5.- The globalization of capital destroyed national borders and rearranged the world. The logic of the market is now the one that determines the international relations and the relations within the dying Nation States.

6.- The logic of the market hides, behind its apparent innocence, the logic of exploitation, dispossession, repression and contempt, that is, the logic of capitalism. Outside of the dreams that Chava Flores sang, that is, beyond the lottery, melate and their equivalents, in this system there is no clean and innocent wealth. Capitalist wealth originates from theft and exploitation.

7.- The technological and information technology revolution brought with it the possibility of simultaneity and the omnipresence of capital, fundamentally of its most emblematic sector: financial capital.

8.- In Capitalist Economic Globalization, that is, in World War IV, the “enemy” is the planet itself, not only its majority inhabitants, but also everything it contains: nature. If this is "own goal" it should come as no surprise, stupidity is the companion of capitalist greed. In this war, the aggressor Nation is Multinational or, as the classics would say, Transnational.

9.- Imperialism will have changed its forms of warfare, but the master continues to be capital and its emperor for life, finance capital, advances in its chameleon policy in the stock market.

While the list of FORBES appears to be the supposed richest men on the planet, the reference to what we have called “The Society of Power” is omitted, a small group of owners of industries, businesses, banks and tourism companies.

While Messrs. Bill Gates and Carlos Slim, to name just two, believe that they are among the richest in the world, the "Society of Power" pretends to believe it. But in the United States, 53 companies have their headquarters that obtained by themselves, 7 years ago, 40% of the profits worldwide. These North American companies, along with others operating from Japan, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, the Netherlands, Switzerland and South Korea, make more than 90% of global profits. 193 companies based in these countries made more than $ 225 billion out of $ 250 billion in 1997 global profits.

Mr. “Coca Cola” does not exist, that is why he does not appear on the list of the richest. Neither did Mr. "Wall Mart", Mr. "Ford", "Chrisler", "General Motors", "HSBC", "Santander", "Monsanto", etcetera.

10.- “Conquered” in World War III the territory that belonged to the socialist camp, capitalism directs its bloody hands towards poor countries with abundant natural resources: Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Latin America. These regions of the world have specialized in both, that is, in possessing abundant natural resources and in an already legendary high production of the poor.

11.- The original Peoples worldwide (with more than 300 million) are settled in areas that have 60% of the planet's natural resources. The reconquest of these territories is one of the main objectives of the capitalist war.

12.- Latin America is already one of the new scenarios of the war of conquest and, therefore, the Indian Peoples of America will have, like 500 years ago, the leading role in the resistance. But the battle will end in a definitive defeat if they do not ally with the workers of the countryside and the city, and with those new characters with their own identity, that is to say, by far, who are women, young people and other loves. These three social sectors, although they can and are referred to their identity as a class, have their own realities, different from others, and they build their own identity, many times, but not only, in culture.

B) .- On the Top Policy in Globalization:

1.- In this war of conquest, the expeditionary forces in most of the Latin American countries are made up of governments and the political class. Except for the exception of Cuba, the growing rebellion of Venezuela and the still to be defined specificity of Bolivia, the Latin American governments, regardless of their supposed ideology, have become the captains of reconquering the territories that saw the civilizations of the native peoples flourish. of these lands.

2.- National governments are clearly mere managers who comply with the owner's provisions. And a manager is, above all, a foreman.

3.- With the national market, everything that flourished in its environment also agonizes: the traditional political class, the middle class, critical thinking, corporatism, the great worker and peasant centrals, the relative autonomy of educational institutions, of the scientific research and culture and art, community relations, the social fabric, social security, public security, electoral democracy.

4.- The so-called “middle class”, which flourished together with the National States and became their social, ideological and political support, is now defenseless (at least in Mexico) and, despite its sighs for a slow change to return her to her bonanza and tranquility, she watches with despair as destruction reaches her old fortress and crystal tower: the family.

5.- With the current logics in political affairs, up there there is nothing to do. The enthusiasm of some middle sectors enlightened by a "change without rupture", will suffer over and over again setbacks, disappointments, crude morals.

6.- The path of freedom is not a modern pay highway, through which the “masses” travel led by an elite of leaders and enlightened people. On the contrary, the way to be free is not even made. It is built by the nameless and faceless who, with their struggles, try one route and another until they get where they want to go.

C) .- On the media:

1.- If before they were the army, the police, the Olimpia battalion, the hawks, the white guards; now the large electronic media are the "inhibitors" of the democratic and social struggle.

2.- The mass media are, at the same time, the Public Ministry, the Artistic Jury, the flamboyant pulpit, not always secular, the unofficial Cabinet, the plenipotentiary police, the expeditious judge in the conviction of the one below and the acquittal of the one above. Ah! and sometimes they entertain.

3.- “Wag The Dog” is an idiomatic expression in English that means something like “move the dog with the tail” (pay attention because if not, it is not understood). It is the ultimate skill of media manipulation. Newscasts, analysis tables, comments and political columns, aim to "move the dog with the tail", that is, "make things happen", but starting from a lie.

This is the new "skill" of electronic media. Just as they make realities and movements "disappear", ignoring them or defameing them (some recent examples: the town of San Salvador Atenco, the APPO movement in Oaxaca, the citizen mobilization against the electoral fraud of July 2, 2006), they also they can "create" media lines without any real support. That is, they create postmodern myths.

Examples of myths created, believed and disseminated by the media:

Political Myths: Felipe Calderón Hinojosa's government is strong, legitimate, legal, and watches over all Mexicans; the PRD is a left party; the PAN is the party of "cultural renewal"; the PRI is a political party.
Sports myths: the national team of Mexico has international soccer quality; the gringo baseball world series is worldwide; the Jaguars of Chiapas have a beautiful uniform color.
Military Myths: the federal army is there to safeguard national sovereignty; the adult indigenous woman who was raped by soldiers in Veracruz, in the Sierra de Zongolica, died of gastritis and not of rape; the army fights drug trafficking.
Police myths: the objective of the attacks of the DF government against the noble neighborhood of Tepito are to end crime and not to favor the installation of shopping centers; the police prevent crime; the AFI fights organized crime.
Entertainment Myths: Britney Spears Suffers on Her Detox Program; RBD is a musical group;
Cultural Myths: CONACULTA is an institution that promotes culture and the arts; the Congress of the Union has a genuine interest in promoting Mexican cinema; Sebastián is a sculptor.
Educational Myths: Elba Esther Gordillo is a teacher; CENEVAL benefits middle and higher education; Josefina Vázquez Mota works to improve education in Mexico.
Legal Myths: justice in Mexico is honest, clean, impartial and objective; the Constitution is the highest law in our country; the rule of law prevails in Mexico.
Economic Myths: privatizations are necessary and urgent for the national economy; the reforms to the ISSSTE will save it; banking serves the national economy.
Comic Myth: there is some difference between the news of the political class and the comic bar;
Religious Myth: Onesimo Cepeda is a Catholic bishop.
Ethical Myth: the position that is taken on the issue of abortion will be a position in favor of life or in favor of death.
Historical Myth: Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Solórzano has something of General Lázaro Cárdenas del Río (I say in addition to the first surname);
Informational Myths: Gutiérrez Vivó and Jacobo Zabludovski are representatives of the free, independent and honest press; Crónica is a newspaper; Joaquín López Dóriga and Javier Alatorre are journalists.
Sexual Myth: supMarcos has beautiful legs… (arrrrrrrrrroozzzz with milk!)

D) .- About the Mexican Countryside:

1.- In the Mexican countryside and, as was briefly and brilliantly explained by comrade Rafael Alegría, from the Via Campesina in Honduras, there is a process of destruction and depopulation all over the world, and, simultaneously, reconstruction and repopulation.

2.- Comrade Sergio Rodríguez Lazcano will explain more about this ...

Reappropriation versus dispossession

By Sergio Rodríguez Lascano

"Modern globalization, neoliberalism as a world system, must be understood as a new war to conquer territories." (Subcomandante Marcos 7 thoughts in May)


If we analyze the fundamental facts of the history of Mexico, in all of them we will find the earth as the common thread that allows us to understand rebellions, revolts and revolutions. The struggle for land has been the sign of identity in shaping that great social subject that is the Mexican people.
Since the intervention of the Spanish empire, those at the top have fought to generate spaces for accumulation through dispossession, for which they have always used the ideology of progress as an alibi. Progress as a mechanism for looting and eliminating community ties.

On January 6, 1992, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, anticipating what would be the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), approved a series of modifications to article 27 of the Constitution, with which he sought not so much only to terminate the agrarian distribution but, above all, to put the land on the market. With this, the fundamental conquest of the Mexican Revolution was buried and the land was located as one more commodity that could be sold or rented.

Around that event a lot of saliva was spent. Luis Téllez was interviewed by the Wall Street Journal and, in order for the readers of that newspaper to understand him, he said that the reform of 27 had as a historical analogy, the conquest of the West in the United States.
He gave as an example those “hard-working” settlers who crossed the Rockies to colonize the Californian dorado, of course what he did not say is that this feat was done by massacring the Indian tribes. According to him, as on that occasion, capital would flow like an impetuous river civilizing the backward world of Mexican agriculture.

In the field of intellectuals, the engineer by profession and salesman by occupation, the one who disguises himself in the garb of a historian, Enrique Krauze said that the conflict behind the reform of 27 was located between those who fought for freedom ( Bakunin, Zapata, Manjo, Salinas de Gortari) against the statist authoritarians (Marx, Lenin, Lázaro Cárdenas). That the reforms of 27 gave Zapata's dream of Tierra y Libertad a reality.

At the end of the road the field has not been capitalized, which does not mean that some have not capitalized with the field. While in 1990 the percentage share of the agricultural sector in the Gross Domestic Product was 6.19, in 2004 it fell to 5.05. And, of course, the spiel of the organic intellectual from televisa was that it was not a cultural triumph for Bakunin, Zapata or Manhjo but an economic triumph for hoteliers, owners of department stores and agricultural mercantile societies, of restaurant owners. On the other hand, the peasants are poorer every day, like this for example: For the year 2005, of the 30,185 million people who were in rural areas, only 8.5 million people were employed in agricultural and livestock activities. Of the total rural population, 34% receive no income (10 million 262 thousand 900 people), 25% receive up to one minimum wage (8 million 796 thousand 250 people), 27.9% receive one to two minimum wages (8 million 421 615 people), 7% receive two to five minimum wages (2 million 112 thousand 950 people), and only 6.1% of agricultural workers receive an income greater than five minimum wages (1 million 841 thousand 285 people). (Data from INEGI).

The problem experienced in 1992 was that the bulk of the peasant organizations, not only the official ones but also those that pompously called themselves the new peasant movement, endorsed or remained silent in the face of tremendous aggression.
The idea behind this reform was to generate a spatial readjustment for capital that had the following characteristics:

1.- Putting land on the market for its purchase and sale instead of its products. The land could now be sold or rented.

2.- To transform land tenure, reintroducing large estates under the elegant name of agricultural mercantile companies.

3.- Carry out a new process of separating the producers from the means of production, generating a surplus of labor that would be channeled towards immigration to the United States, fracturing the old social fabric. Let me dwell on this a bit. In Mexican migration, the four wheels of the neoliberal cart are located: dispossession, while a good number of these peasants were forced to sell or rent their land; repression, inasmuch as they are often victims of the violence of the migra or the paramilitary guards of the racist ranchers; contempt for a system ruled by racism; savage exploitation that allows the value created by labor power to be immense. The result of this is: that the remittances sent by Mexican workers who are in the United States in 2006 reached a little more than 24 billion dollars; This explains why the standard of living of the poor peasants of our country has not fallen completely; a triple process that combines a never-ending dynamic of original capital accumulation where finance capital continues to plunder this country; a process of capital accumulation and the use of the undocumented as a mechanism for the expanded reproduction of capital; and, finally, the use of the low wages of Mexican workers to push down the wages of all workers in the United States.

4.-All this has represented a global aggression, against this form of agrarian organization, in many ways unique in the world, a product of the Mexican Revolution, against the moral economy of Mexicans, especially indigenous communities , which sought to destroy a rationality, a way of understanding the relationship with nature and a different, more harmonious form of social organization, where not only raw materials or any type of merchandise were produced, but, first of all, relationships fairer and freer social networks. The criterion of profit entered like a knife in butter, disrupting the old forms of production, of commercialization, of organization.

5.- The transformation of crops, favoring agricultural production for export over the fundamental products of the Mexican diet. By abandoning the planting of products destined for the domestic market, it is no coincidence that since then the importation of corn has increased scandalously. Corn imports from the United States have multiplied by 15 since the entry into force of the FTA. The overwhelming US competition has been joined by a "more liberal policy" of the Mexican government which, in the case of corn, has liberalized the market beyond what is required by the agreement itself:
The value of agricultural exports from the United States to Mexico went from 3,476 million dollars between 1991 and 1993, prior to the entry into force of NAFTA, to 7,516 million dollars in the last three years, which represented an increase of 116%, according to the report of the Department of Agriculture of the United States.

6.- Generating a productivist ideology among those who have land, (a little more than 2 million ejidatarios, compared to more than 30 who live in the countryside) seeking not to worry about the problems of those who do not have it and that according to these modifications they will never have it.

7.- Have a free hand for large agricultural mercantile companies to introduce sowing techniques with genetically modified seeds that not only begin to flood the market but also contaminate native plants and seeds.

8.- The use of land previously of agricultural vocation for the construction of large tourist centers, shopping centers, etc.
Unfortunately, and despite the evidence, the old and the new-old peasant organizations still do not draw conclusions about the deep meaning of the 27 constitutional reform. Everyone works with that fact as if it were an immovable fact, with a resignation that borders on the acceptance that this is the only possible scenario.
The same happens among those who in the last election raised a supposed alternative national project and left aside the meaning of the Salinas reforms to 27. And it is not unnecessary to repeat it, but there is no point in being an anti-Salinist by word but a disregard for the fundamental fact that marked that government.
Moreover, the intellectual "specialists", "experts" in the agrarian question spend their time discussing the "great" problems of the countryside and debate on what is better: if a policy of agricultural subsidies to compensate for the stationary situation of agricultural production or the return to the diversified strategies of the old agrarian societies. But it turns out that there are more than 30 million Mexicans living in the countryside and only a little more than 2 million have property titles. Could it be that it must be fundamental to carry out a new agrarian reform that re-establishes a property limit, perhaps less than the 100 hectares were? Could it be that the first step is to reverse the salinista reform of the 27th constitutional and reverse the dispossession to which the indigenous and non-indigenous peasant has been subjected? Is it not essential to reappropriate the land that is in the hands of hoteliers, large merchants and impressive agrobussnies, both national and international?

Back, the problem lies in the fact that these experts question the fact that after the reform of 27 there has been a process of sale and rent of the land, because, based on the data on the proportion of ejidal, community, private and Nationals confirm that this is still more or less the same as before the 27 reform.
They do not realize, because they do not go out for a little tour of the country, especially in the north of Mexico, that the sale and rent have been taking place at an impressive rate, that the dispossession is taking place, day by day , without yet being reflected in national statistics.

But there is a fact that reveals the situation that exists in this area: By December 2005, according to the study center and publications of the Agrarian Attorney's Office, 22% of the total ejidal and communal lands are in the process of change of land. domain, to become private property.

To which we must add that the privatization of the partner property already carried out in 2004 amounted to 1,804 agrarian nuclei representing an area of ​​829 thousand hectares (Study Center of the Agrarian Attorney General's Office).

The Other agrarian policy

As explained by the comrades of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, one of the main reasons that allowed them to reach the conclusion that it was essential to take up arms was the Salinas reform to the 27th constitutional.

For this reason, while everyone gave as an immovable fact of reality that it was no longer possible to fight for the land, that the agrarian distribution had ended, as a result of the Zapatista insurrection, large estates were expropriated from racist farmers from various regions of the state of Chiapas. . The Zapatista support bases came into possession of these lands and since then they have worked them in a communal way, breaking with the logic of the market, breaking with the logic of profit.

For someone like me, the son of poor peasants from Tlaxcala, whose mother was the nanny of rich children on a bull ranch, the significance of the first preparatory meeting of the Other Campaign was very great, to enter the center of what was once the farm of lords of gallows and knife, who exercised the frightful right of pernada, all this had something of a triumph flavor, it represented the evidence that it was possible to generate new social and human relationships, it gave specific meaning to the fight from the left for a society more just, in some way he avenged the wrongs of all Mexican peasants and of all the children of Mexican peasants.

At the same time, when choosing that reclaimed land, a message was sent to the entire Mexican left gathered there (unfortunately not all of them understood it), that it was possible to work with another horizon different from that of resignation, that an anti-capitalism that went further was possible. of words.

All this is intolerable for power, for the political class as a whole, for all the money lords. They want a peasantry that strives to better "integrate" into the capitalist market, although this volatile as it is, always marginalizes them, who builds their credit societies and forget about their brothers who do not have land, or who sell or rent their land. , or better yet, to go illegally to the United States and send remittances in dollars, which are the only thing that prevents misery from becoming even more terrible in the countryside.

But he does not want rebellious indigenous-peasants who not only defend their land but also organize themselves autonomously and who are also the base of support for a rebel army.
The defense of the reclaimed lands is the defense of the autonomous essence of Zapatismo. It is worth remembering, but there is no autonomy in practice if there is no territory.
If the EZLN comrades, a product of their vision, which merges politics with ethics, have maintained the commitment and generosity to keep their word with the Other Campaign and with the communities visited during the Other Campaign with which they dealt, If we leave to carry out the second phase, we have the obligation not to leave our fellow Zapatista support bases alone who are fighting against this new offensive by the lords of money and power.

The maintenance of Zapatista autonomy is the best vehicle to be able to explain that there is something else, that what the media sells us as a horizon is just a virtual reality. That in the middle of the "desert of the real" there is an orchard where those two tributaries of the Zapatista stream express themselves: anger and reason.

Ending the conversion of the land into merchandise, with the dispossession of earthly goods, with ill-gotten profit, that is, capitalism continues to be the starting point to take control of our destiny in our hands, in order to continue being Mexico.

If it is true that this modernity is moving backwards and we are going back to the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, if Porfirism is the only vision of the future that the political class has, if we are once again a country with an enclave economy, So it is not wrong to return to the old-new Zapatista idea that the land belongs to those who work it.

And very probably, once again, we will hear the old, very old, prejudice of the left Sunday preachers who, wrinkling their noses, will say: "this is a petty bourgeois struggle," the peasantry and even less the indigenous can make revolutions, or transform In the long term, domination relations can aspire to be subordinate allies of the working class. And, as always happens when those gentlemen speak, reality will pass them by.

From what we saw during the Other's tour, it is very likely that we are in the run-up to reliving the struggle for land, as a central element in the struggle against capitalism. There is no doubt that the old German socialist was right when he said, paraphrasing Goethe: gray is the theory, green is the tree of life.

Throughout the journey of the Other Campaign, the green tree of life in the Mexican countryside appeared, it questioned us, but Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos will speak about that next.

San Cristóbal de las Casas a 22 de marzo del 2007.

3.- Tres ejemplos en tres estados gobernados por los tres principales partidos políticos:

a).- Sonora (gobernada por el PRI), Las 2 fotos. Ocurrió camino al territorio del pueblo MAYO, en Sonora. A un costado de la carretera, un gigantesco anuncio monumental proclamaba: “El Gobierno de Sonora cumple: con la creación de empleos”. Unas decenas de metros detrás del anuncio, una vieja fábrica dejaba caer sus pedazos carcomidos por el óxido.

Otra foto: en una comunidad indígena MAYO, uno de los dirigentes hace una”lectura” de una foto aparecida en el suplemento Ojarasca, de La Jornada, y nos va contando la historia de despojo de tierras en contra del pueblo Mayo. Historia que se repite en las tierras del Tohono Oda´am, del Seri o Comc´ac, del Yaqui y del Pima.

b).- San Luis Potosí (gobernada por el PAN), el altiplano potosino. “Una escalera”, dijeron los otros potosinos, y mostraron un mapa donde la vegetación se escalaba desde la Huasteca hasta el desierto. “Sí, una escalera”, dijimos nosotros cuando los escuchamos explicar el desplazamiento de la población campesina original del altiplano y su sustitución por indígenas de la Huasteca, de Puebla, de Veracruz. No sólo cambió el origen de los pobladores, también la tenencia de la tierra. Donde antes había ejidos, ahora hay latifundios. Donde antes había comisariados ejidales, ahora hay capataces. Donde antes se producían alimentos para el consumo de la población, ahora se producen migrantes para la exportación.

c).- Zacatecas (gobernada por el PRD).- En la comunidad de La Tesorera, una empresa prestanombres del prócer perredista de la democracia y del FAP, Ricardo Monreal, pretendió humillar a los pobladores y se encontró con algo desconocido por él: la dignidad.
Ahí mismo, otro de La Otra Zacatecas nos contó que en un poblado aumentó significativamente la migración de la población original, pero, extrañamente, aumentó el número de pobladores. Investigó: los zacatecanos tenían que migrar a Estados Unidos por el despojo de tierras, la falta de apoyos al campo, y los bajos salarios. El lugar de sus ejidos fue ocupado por terratenientes, y su fuerza de trabajo, por indígenas llevados como en los tiempos de porfirismo para trabajar de peones. En la Zacatecas perredista, dos tercios de la población de origen zacatecano vive… en Estados Unidos.

En el museo que hay en El Cerro de La Bufa para recordar la batalla de Zacatecas hay un ejemplar de un periódico de la época. En él se dice que los “bandidos” de Villa serán aplastados de un momento a otro. Unos días después Zacatecas cae en manos del ejército villista.

4.- Desmenuzando lo expuesto con mediana claridad por Joao Pedro Stédile, ese recoger de la lluvias de abajo que es Eduardo Galeano, y los, esos sí, obispos católicos Don Pedro Casaldáliga y Don Thomas Balduino, podemos encontrar los pasos, muchas veces simultáneos, de la guerra de conquista en el campo mexicano: desmantelamiento de la política social: ni créditos, ni ayuda, ni mercado, nuevas legislaciones que destruyan las “defensas” jurídicas: reforma al 27, golpeteo económico en los precios (de productos y de consumo), cultivo de expectativas de nivel de vida, indefensión jurídica, venta o despojo, migración, reordenamiento capitalista del territorio, repoblación.

5.- Atenco y el FPDT, Oaxaca y la APPO, Chiapas y el EZLN.

a).- Atenco marcó un punto decisivo en la lucha en defensa de la tierra. La valentía de sus hombres y mujeres, así como la inteligente y decidida participación del Frente de Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra, entre cuyos dirigentes se encuentra Ignacio del Valle (hoy injustamente preso), tuvo uno de los triunfos que alentó la movilización campesina abajo y a la izquierda. Atenco no es sólo la represión del 3 y 4 de mayo del 2006, con su cauda de violaciones a los derechos humanos y la agresión a la mujer como política de Estado. Es también, y es preciso no olvidarlo, la movilización exitosa en contra del aeropuerto foxista. Movimiento que enfrentó la unión de gobiernos, empresarios, clero y los grandes medios de comunicación. El pueblo de Atenco, y con él, el FPDT, tiene mucho que enseñarnos a todas, a todos.

b).- El movimiento social que encabeza la APPO en Oaxaca marca también lecciones importantes en la lucha social. Aunque, por el manejo de los medios de comunicación, pareció y parece un movimiento centrado en la capital del estado, tuvo y tiene momentos brillantes en las zonas rurales oaxaqueñas, donde los pueblos indios han sacado relucir sus tradiciones de lucha y resistencia. Una gran lección del movimiento de la APPO es su empecinamiento, su capacidad de recuperación y la constancia en sus objetivos. Oaxaca entonces no es sólo la represión del 25 de noviembre y su saldo de ilegalidades y arbitrariedades, es también, y sobre todo, la organización popular autónoma, sin la tutela de instituciones ni partidos políticos, la democracia directa aplicada en circunstancias muy difíciles.

c.- En la Chiapas de nuestros dolores y esperanzas, las comunidades indígenas zapatistas demuestran que otro mundo es posible. Y que es posible levantarlo sobre la base de la cultura indígena, su concepción de la tierra y el territorio. “Dignidad” le llamamos nosotros a esta palabra, a este paso, a esta forma de vida, es decir, de lucha.

Cuenta una leyenda reciente que en las sombras de la madrugada en las montañas del sureste mexicano, hombres y mujeres de color moreno sólo tienen en su corazón un temor: el de nada hacer frente a la injusticia. “Los Vigilantes” llaman a estos hombres y mujeres. Son el núcleo duro del Votán Zapata, del guardián y corazón del pueblo. Ellas y ellos son quienes nos cuidan y acompañan. Alguien les pregunta: “¿De qué se trata todo esto?” Ellas y ellos responden: “De ser mejores, de la única forma que es posible ser mejores, es decir, en colectivo”. Aunque apenas es un murmullo, la voz de Los Vigilantes se escucha como grito cuando dice: “De ser dignas y dignos, de eso se trata todo esto”. Y yo agrego ahora: “uno de los caminos de la dignidad sigue la Vía Campesina en todo el mundo”.

¡Libertad y Justicia para Atenco!

¡Libertad y Justicia para Oaxaca!

Tiene la palabra el Comandante David

25 de marzo del 2007

Palabras del Comandante David

Compañeras, compañeros, de todos los presentes, tengan todos muy buenas noches.
A nombre de todos mis compañeros, mis compañeras, de esta comisión y de todos los compañeros y compañeras comandantas y comandantes que se encuentran en todos los territorios zapatistas, y a nombre de todos los compañeros y compañeras bases de apoyo, también quiero decirles mi palabra.

Compañeros y compañeras nacionales e internacionales, adherentes a la Sexta Declaración, de la Otra Campaña, después de escucharles sus palabras de aliento y de apoyo, y también después de las palabras de mis compañeros y compañeras de esta comisión, ahora sólo me queda agradecerles profundamente a todos ustedes.

Las palabras de todos ustedes, compañeros y compañeras, en apoyo y solidaridad de la lucha zapatista, para nosotros es muy importante. Para nosotros, es una fuerza para nuestros pueblos. Y por eso queremos agradecerles profundamente el esfuerzo, el apoyo que ustedes están tratando de hacer en favor de la lucha zapatista y de todos los pueblos indígenas.

Este apoyo y solidaridad de todos ustedes para nuestros pueblos, para nuestros compañeros y compañeras bases de apoyo, van a sentir que no están solos de verdad. Van a sentir el apoyo y la solidaridad de todos ustedes. De que no van a sentir solos en su lucha, en su resistencia, en la defensa de sus tierras, de su territorio, de sus bosques y montañas, de su autonomía y de su cultura como pueblos indígenas.

Como todos ustedes saben, y ya lo mencionaron claramente hace rato, nuestras comunidades, nuestros pueblos zapatistas, nuestros compañeros y compañeras bases de apoyo, están cada día más amenazados y hostigados por paramilitares apoyados por los gobiernos estatales y federales.

Y todo esas amenazas están tratando de resistir, y van a resistir de manera organizada. Pero también con el apoyo de todos ustedes.

Y queremos decirles, entonces, a todos y a todas, que con ese apoyo que están dando ustedes nuestros compañeros van a seguir adelante. Y mientras nosotros —los de la Comisión Sexta— vamos a seguir los trabajos en que nos hemos comprometido ante todos, y ante el mundo de seguir la Otra Campaña, sabiendo de que ustedes y muchos hermanos y hermanas de México y del mundo van a seguir apoyando, y nosotros nos da fuerza y nos da valor para seguir los trabajos de la Otra Campaña en otros lugares, en otros pueblos, en los distintos estados de nuestro país, que es nuestro compromiso.

Y vamos a cumplir ese compromiso y esa misión con nuestros hermanos. Por eso les pedimos una vez más a que sigan entonces apoyando a nuestros pueblos, apoyando a nuestras comunidades, en esta defensa de sus tierras, de su territorio, de su cultura. Y les pedimos que se sigan organizando, y que todos ustedes, con los demás compañeros y compañeras nacionales e internacionales, que sigan buscando la manera cómo apoyarnos. Y que estén atentos y pendientes de lo que pueda pasar.

Como les decía, las amenazas siguen cada día más intensas en las comunidades indígenas, en todos los territorios zapatistas. Pero con el apoyo de ustedes estamos claros y seguros que vamos a salir adelante y vamos a seguir la lucha. Pero solamente con todos ustedes, con los demás compañeros y compañeras de México y del mundo. Como acabamos de escuchar también de los demás hermanos que están con nosotros. Y nosotros con todos ustedes y los demás.

Entonces, hermanos y hermanas, compañeros y compañeras, no voy a decirles más cosas en este momento, porque se han dicho de sobra, y todas son importantes. Sólo me queda, una vez más, gracias a todos compañeros y compañeras. Y muchas gracias. Buenas noches.

Marzo del 2007


Video: Latin American Revolutions: Crash Course World History #31 (June 2021).