The agrarian question in Colombia

The agrarian question in Colombia

By Tatiana Roa Avendaño

The agrarian question has been at the center of the historical Colombian armed political conflict, crossed by the dispute over land. A process of agrarian counter-reform is currently being experienced in the country, with ingredients such as: the use of force of arms or of money derived from illegal activities to intimidate the peasant and indigenous movement that fights for land and to cause displacement in areas of interest to agrarian elites.


Throughout its history, Colombia has maintained an acute agrarian conflict with implications in the social, political, economic and cultural spheres of the country. The agrarian question (1) has been at the center of the historic Colombian armed political conflict. There is no doubt, the conflict has been crossed by the dispute over land.

In this country, as in other Latin American countries, the existence and permanence of the latifundist structure of land tenure is evident, the uses of it are carried out contrary to their vocation and those who benefit from policies and programs are the lords of land: landowners, latifundistas, agricultural elites and foreign investors.

Official figures show an unstoppable trend towards the concentration of property, an increase in land devoted to extensive cattle ranching, a decrease in food production and an increase in forced displacement of peasant communities settled in the departments with greater concentration of rural property (CODHES / UNICEF, 1998; Machado, 1998). (2)

During the last century, the Colombian peasantry worsened their living conditions and considerable extensions of territories and important ecosystems have been destroyed by the colonization processes that led to agrarian policies.

The reality is that the Colombian countryside, the scene of the armed conflict, has undergone important transformations in recent years. There is a regressive trend in transitory crops, while long-cycle crops show strengthening. This trend has been associated with conflicts over land, displacement, precarious labor relations, and state subsidies or support. This is the case so much in vogue today of plantations for the production of biofuels from sugar cane and oil palm (3).

In Colombia, peasants, sharecroppers, indigenous people, agricultural workers, and blacks have a long and hard history of struggle and confrontation with landowners, agricultural entrepreneurs, and transnational companies. There are many facts that remind this story. The Banana Massacre in 1928 is known, during the strike movement led by the prominent agrarian leader Raúl Mahecha (4) and that Gabriel García Márquez masterfully remembers in One Hundred Years of Solitude. The strike against the United Fruit Co. accounts for the permanent confrontation in which agricultural workers have lived like the rest of the Colombian peasantry (5).

Even today, the peasant, indigenous and agricultural worker movements continue to frame their demands in the struggle for land and agrarian reform. In recent years, through the Indigenous, Peasant and Black Minga they have even demanded the "liberation of Mother Earth ”and the defense of the territory, incorporating these new demands to the existing ones. It is through political strife that the peasantry has achieved its advances and conquests. Bernardo Mancano Fernandes (6) (2004: 5) says it well, who considers that the formation of the peasantry “does not occur only through the expanded reproduction of the contradictions of capitalism. The other condition for the creation and recreation of peasant work is a strategy of political creation of the peasantry: the struggle for land ”.

The dispute and control over the land have been permanent. In Colombia, as in other countries, the historical opposition of the land lords, political actors represented in: landowners and latifundistas, and the ruling elites prevented the lukewarm agrarian reform laws that were produced in the country from advancing. They loved each other were truncated by these national and foreign agrarian elites who sought to protect their interests. On the contrary, during the previous century, inequalities grew and the concentration of land is even greater today; state support to modernize and mechanize their properties, through credits and infrastructure, remained in the hands of a few. More recently, in recent weeks, various media uncovered the "rotten pot" that has ended up being the Agro Ingreso Seguro Program - AIS (7), which mainly allocated its subsidies to landowner families, beauty queens and people in charge of agro-industrial projects, exposing the interests of a government that has continued to privilege large landowners and agro-industrialists.

For this reason, in the various peace processes the agrarian issue has been a preponderant axis and will be so for a future peace process or post-conflict period. The key to a different panorama for Colombia is only possible with profound transformations of these.

This essay seeks to analyze the agrarian question in Colombia, the dynamics and the political struggle of the Colombian peasantry in the demands for land and agrarian reform from the beginning of the 20th century to the end of the last century. Through the reconstruction of some historical events, we will seek to identify the contention repertoires, the political actors, the mobilization and demobilization processes, as well as the political opportunities of the peasant movement (8).

The origins of peasant struggles for land

The political creation of the Colombian peasantry has come about through a valiant struggle against large-scale exploitation and the monopoly of land. The peasants established on various occasions collective forms of agrarian work, inheritance of the indigenous peoples and, at multiple times, defended the land even through armed rebellions. “Be it spontaneously or organized, the peasantry has shown a great capacity for struggle and resistance, at the same time that they have produced the land as the large landowners never did, in order to feed and shelter the people” (Fals Borda, 1975: 51).

At the beginning of the 20th century, these peasant struggles in Colombia were merely local, there are the cases of Viotá, (Cundinamarca), of the Sumapaz páramo in the same department (9), of the Caribbean where the peasant struggles were guided by socialist ideas, that like everything in their time, they had reached the coast first than to Bogotá (10).

Also, in the region known as Eje Cafetero, peasants, laborers, settlers, sharecroppers and tenants raised a movement that they called peasant leagues (Fals Borda, 1975: 118). Their contention repertoires (11) had to do with issues such as “freely sowing coffee and establishing sugar mills on farms […]; change the hacienda regulations established in 1886, […] not pay rents, […] (The peasants) declared themselves inhabitants of uncultivated lands and did not pay rents again ”(Mondragón, 2003).

The political struggle of the peasantry in those years had the political and intellectual influence of the agraristas, led by Erasmo Valencia, the liberal leader Jorge Eliécer Gaitán and a "left that defended the peasantry and took root in it from its origins, through socialist or Marxist organizations, in particular the Revolutionary Socialist Party and later the Communist party ”(Ibid, 2003).

The central theses of these three peasant currents posed: i) the national welfare depends on the agrarian was the agrarian motto of Erasmo Valencia, ii) Gaitán proposed a regulated economy and the intervention of the state with social criteria and, iii) the communists demanded a agrarian and anti-imperialist revolution led by the working class (Ibid, 2003).

Although the communist program was more radical and extensive, they coincided with the gaitanista program regarding the fate of land ownership of the agrarian reform, which would be given to the peasants free of charge. The most important difference between these two programs was that while Gaitán called for the incorporation of indigenous regions into the national economy, while the Communist Party demanded the recognition of indigenous communities, their complete freedom and the self-determination of their own governments. (Ibid, 2003).

The truth is that the program of the Colombian peasantry never included in its repertoires of contention, the claim of inalienability or collective or communal ownership of the land, much less nationalization. For this reason, according to Héctor Mondragón (2003), according to the written programs, “a triumph of an agrarian revolution in Colombia in the 20th century would have been more like the Bolivian revolution of 1952, than the Mexican, Russian, Chinese or Cuban ”. All this notwithstanding, the indigenous movement, among them the Quintín Lame and other socialist indigenists such as Blanca Ochoa de Molina and Antonio García, did and still has, included in their repertoires of contention, the inalienability of the lands of the communities, since a cultural point of view (Mondragón, 2003).

The political contest for the agrarian reform of 1961

At the beginning of the 1930s, Colombia experienced a boom in mass struggle that allowed important conquests to the popular movement, which led to the creation of the first peasant organization in 1942: Federación Campesina e Indígena, within the Confederación de Trabajadores de Colombia (CTC). In 1947, the Federation became the Peasant and Indigenous Confederation, which “integrated the peasant vision with the indigenous one, more or less in the way that communists and socialists understood them in the 1930s” (Mondragón, 2003).

In this way, the peasant and indigenous movement of the time manages to articulate the ethnic and cultural struggles of indigenous peoples with the class struggle, which, taking the voice of researcher Orlando Fals Borda, can be complementary and articulating. As expressed in his memorable work Historia doble de la costa (12), there he wonders about peasant and indigenous relations, and affirms with force: “the experience of these years teaches us that when the ethnic group is still alive for whatever historical reason, It is convenient to use its cultural components to affirm and promote the class struggles of the people ”(Fals Borda, 2002: 21B). The Colombian sociologist points to the example of the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia, ONIC and the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca, CRIC, which incorporated these theses into their struggles, as did important indigenous leaders such as Manuel Quintín Lame, an indigenous Nasa (13) that promoted important mobilizations and land reclamations in Cauca, southwestern Colombia. (Fals Borda, 2002: 21B)

But although there were important advances in peasant organization during these first years of the 20th century, when the Violence arrived, the peasant and indigenous organization was literally annihilated. This is how a demobilization of the peasantry is produced as a result of the terrible repression.

Violence, increasing since 1946, increased with the attacks against Viotá in November 1947 and against the communities of Cauca in January 1948, was generalized after the assassination of Gaitán, on April 9, 1948 and was cruel against the Confederation and charged the lives of most of its leaders, including that of its president, poisoned in 1952 (Mondragón, 2003).

The Violence also produced the indigenous demobilization that was on the rise in the departments of Cauca, Tolima, Huila, Caldas, and in the Sierra Nevada and Tubará in the Atlantic. The League of Indians of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, which, thanks to its geographical isolation, had managed to maintain itself had to be dissolved in 1956. Some of the indigenous claims only had an echo at the end of the 20th century, when the 1991 Constitution (14) included several of their demands, after the innumerable and long struggles of both non-armed and armed indigenous movements (15).

In the 1950s, the only peasant organization that managed to survive was the National Agrarian Federation (FANAL), which had been created in 1946 by the Jesuit fathers at the same time as the Unión de Trabajadores de Colombia (UTC) (Fals Borda, 1975: 126 ). However, the harassment of peasant leaders is such that many of the most important opted for armed struggle (16). The Violence “forced many communities to emigrate to other places, arm themselves and defend themselves […]. The struggle […] became a class struggle for control of the land ”(Fals Borda, 1975: 121). In the mid-1950s, the government authorized measures for the massive eviction of tenants, sharecroppers, settlers and peasant occupants of land. The struggle for land was fought in places where historically there had been class confrontation: Tolima, Córdoba, the Magdalena Medio and the Llanos Orientales. Liberal guerrillas emerge in them.

The peasant mobilization resumed at the end of the fifties of the last century, a radicalization of the peasant political struggle took place and within its repertoires is the demand for an agrarian reform law, as in effect happened later. In 1958, peace treaties were signed with all the guerrillas that, among other things, opened the way to agrarian reform measures and that led to the reorganization of the peasantry. The peace treaties created a favorable climate for the issuance of an agrarian reform law, although the recently established National Front, which emerged by agreement between liberals and conservatives to manage power, made the path difficult ”(Mondragón 1963).

In addition, the demands and protests of the peasantry, the convergence of peasant mobilization with various political opportunities, finally led to the approval of the Agrarian Reform of 1961. These political opportunities had to do with: i) the triumph of the Cuban revolution , ii) the Alliance for Progress that sought to neutralize the revolutionary tendencies that could be projected from Cuba and, iii) the reformist and developmentalist orientations promoted by ECLAC, which favored a new phase of substitute industrialization (Fajardo, 2000, Mondragón, 2002a, Fals Borda, 1975).

But, while on the one hand the Agrarian Reform Law had been achieved, the government's pressure on the peasantry grew. This is how in 1964 the attack on Marquetalia (17) by the Army took place. Faced with the aggression, the response of these peasants was the creation of the guerrilla of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

Both the FARC and the other newly formed guerrilla, the National Liberation Army, ELN, with the priest Camilo Torres in its ranks, include the agrarian question in their programs. The peasant program was once again expressed in the guerrilla struggles (Mondragón, 2003).

In that year of 1964, the peasantry's struggle for land grew, they sought to make their voice heard with the purpose of enforcing the 1961 agrarian reform law. In the same year, several land seizures were carried out in Cereté (Córdoba) and Manatí (Atlántico) (Ibid, 2003).

A new political actor begins to play strongly within the peasantry and will have an important role in the agrarian question: the church. A renovating process was taking place inside him. On the one hand, some of the most progressive priests, followers of Liberation Theology who promote the Movement of Base Communities, articulated to the Movement of the Landless (MST) in Brazil, some create the Golconda group, they begin to influence in peasant organizations. Although, as Mondragón (2003) says “the radicalization process in FANAL and in the church did not necessarily have a guerrilla orientation”.

The truth is that the growing urbanization processes also demanded to guarantee the supply of the growing food consumption in the cities. In this way, a rethinking of the agrarian question would lead to promote the adoption of modern technologies in the countryside and resolve land tenure issues. Additionally, it was intended to articulate to the substitute industrialization strategy a group of agricultural producers who, upon receiving land, were not only going to originate agricultural goods for the market, but which, in turn, would become demanders of industrial products and capital (18 ).

In this way, in the Colombian case, the substitutionary industrialization policies put the accent on land tenure and the expansion of the agricultural frontier with some technical improvement, without this necessarily implying mechanization. The central policy for agriculture in the 60s, sought to give a second wind to the modernization processes, which was already in its last phase, expanding the domestic market. After extensive debates, even with more radical sectors of liberalism, the Agrarian Reform proposal was finalized with Law 135 of 1961.

In summary, the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform, as this law was called, had as its objectives the solution to the problems of job creation, food supply and overcoming violence, with measures that sought to democratize access to land, qualified technical assistance, the provision of credits and infrastructure, and cooperative training (19) However, the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform, however, did not seek major transformations, since its inception it had strong opposition from the latifundist sectors that joined forces to prevent redistribution of land and the productive restructuring of the countryside, even reversing orientations that had been given during the previous decade, as indicated by the first evaluation of the Agrarian Reform, which took place at the beginning of the 70s of the previous century ( 20) (Fajardo, 2000).

Additionally, the political and electoral pact known as El Frente Nacional (21) that would be in force between 1958-1974, agreed between the Colombian political elites of the Liberal Party and the Colombian Conservative Party, to prevent the continuity in power of General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla or the emergence of a third political force; It was another of the limitations to democratize the processes of Agrarian Reform.

A new moment ...

At the end of the 1960s the National Association of Peasant Users, ANUC (1967) was created, in February 1971 the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca was created in Toribío (Cauca), with two fundamental demands: the recovery of land and the end of terraje, which constitute the first repertories of contention of this important indigenous movement, which still exists today, and which later would include "the expansion of the reservations, the strengthening of the councils and the recovery of indigenous culture and history." (Fals Borda, 1975: 127). The CRIC is linked to the National Indigenous Secretariat of the ANUC.

In less than 9 months, Anuc carried out 600 land grabs, and for this reason the government forcefully repressed the movement and sought its division, creating the Armenian Line. While the most radical wing convenes the Second National Congress in Sincelejo (Sucre), later, it would be known as Anuc - Sincelejo Line (Fals Borda, 1975: 129). Other peasant organizations would play an important role, in the case of the Colombian Peasant Action (ACC).

At the end of the eighties there was a boom in peasant mobilizations and land seizures; Indigenous organizations and banana workers unions in Urabá were notably strengthened. This boom coincides with the strengthening of political processes such as the Patriotic Union (UP), A Luchar (AL) and the Popular Front, and peasant union organizations such as the National Agricultural Trade Union Federation (FENSA), the National Association of Agricultural Workers (ANTA). ) and sectors of the ANUC, and the ANUC Unit and Reconstruction (ANUC-UR) (Mondragón, 2003).

In February 1988, the recently created FENSUAGRO, a second-degree agrarian organization, which emerged from the FENSA Federation, raised an important national day of peasant mobilizations and strengthened the creation of new agrarian unions and processes of struggle for the land of the small and medium peasants.

However, the reaction of the State was a harsh military repression against the peasant and indigenous movement, the massacres in the banana areas and the murder of the leaders who were at the head of the Northeast Peasant Marches are sadly remembered: Valentín Basto and Martín Calderón .

The Agrarian Reform Law never affected or put the large estates at risk. The pressure from the landowners was greater, so that instead of producing the expropriation of land, on the contrary, in the main, colonization and land titling processes were prioritized and promoted, expanding the agricultural frontier and making colonization advance. towards fragile areas of the Andean and even Amazonian forests, destroying important territories.

The displacement of landless peasants to new areas of colonization did not resolve the peasant's living conditions but, on the contrary, deteriorated them, having to settle in increasingly inhospitable places, without infrastructure, with poor soils, limitations for management of water, far from markets and without technical and financial support, in addition to the environmental conflicts that this caused. For agrarian researchers such as Héctor Mondragón, Orlando Fals Borda and Dario Fajardo, this is a continuous condition for the strengthening of the peasant insurgency that at the end of the 1990s was already quite consolidated.

Towards a land market

By the mid-1990s, the country was going through one of the longest economic crises in its recent history. Agriculture was quite weakened, affected by the application of open trade policies. The population that suffered from the crisis had no other way than illegal economies, among them illicit crops (Fajardo, 2006).

However, in those years, there was an oversupply of coca, provoked by two factors that converge: on the one hand, Process 8000 (22) that opens some actions against the financial structures of drug trafficking, and the massive involvement of people in coca cultivation due to to the agrarian crisis. With the blows to financial structures and low prices, a deep crisis is caused in the growing areas. In this way, peasants, harvesters, cultivators and non-leaf growers mobilized in mid-1996, in what was known in Colombia as the "Marchas cocaleras", developed in Caquetá, Guaviare, Putumayo and south of Bolívar (Fajardo, 2006).

In this context, Law 160 of 1994 is promoted, which creates the National System of Agrarian Reform and Rural Rural Development, establishes a subsidy for the acquisition of land and reforms the Colombian Institute of Agrarian Reform. This law is the foundation of the subsidized land market, better known as the land market, promoted by the World Bank, WB (Mondragón, 2002a). Its basic principle was the voluntary negotiation of land.

In fact, the World Bank granted on June 30, 1996, a loan of 1.82 million dollars, to finance pilot experiences and a Technical Unit, with the purpose of laying the foundations for an agrarian reform based on the market. The program was offered as a way out of bureaucratic interference and unnecessary state intervention (Ibid, 2002a).

While on the one hand, the National Agrarian Reform System did not operate as an articulating concept, on the other, the land market mechanism is established as a neoliberal substitute for an effective agrarian reform. In practice, this mechanism was constituted to the detriment of the State and of the peasants aspiring to the land subsidy, given the asymmetric negotiation conditions with which the actors involved in the negotiation tables present themselves.

The context of the agricultural crisis, the peasant mobilizations, the more neoliberal agrarian law, the transition to a new government grants a concession to settlers and peasants, this is the recognition and inclusion of peasant reserves (23), of In 2002, three were operating in Caqueta, Guaviare and Cundinamarca, others in Putumayo, Guaviare and southern Bolívar have been approved, and others are about to be approved in Magdalena Medio and Cundinamarca (Mondragón, 2002). We will not analyze this figure, but it is worth pointing out it as an important fact of conquering social struggles.

Unsurprisingly, attempts at land reform through the land market failed. In this way, President Andrés Pastrana substitutes this program for that of strategic alliances (24) between large and small owners and entrepreneurs, which the World Bank calls associations for production (Fajardo, 2006).

In many cases, large landowners or businessmen have used violent coercive tactics to force peasants to join these associations. The cases of Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó in the department of Choco (25) and Tumaco south of Colombia have been well known, which have deserved international attention due to the profound implications on human rights, collective and territorial rights of the black communities of this region. territory.

There is no doubt that the great beneficiaries of agrarian policies have been the lords of the land.

There are countless incentives, incentives, and exemptions (26) that have been promoted to favor late-yield crops, export crops, and for biofuels, most of which are owned by large landowners, medium and large entrepreneurs and international investors.

In conclusion

The reality of the Colombian countryside has been characterized by the high concentration of land ownership, this being one of the main characteristics of the country's rural structure. According to a 2003 World Bank report, the agrarian Gini coefficient was 0.74, in 1974, in 1996 it rose to 0.81 and, at the beginning of 2000, around 0.85.

The few efforts to transform the reality of the countryside have failed. On the contrary, a process of agrarian counter-reform is currently being experienced in the country, with ingredients such as: the use of force of arms or of money derived from illegal activities to intimidate the peasant and indigenous movement that fights for land and to provoke displacement in areas of interest to agrarian elites.

In addition, the last two governments of Andrés Pastrana and Álvaro Uribe Vélez have been promoting packages of laws that would have to broaden the impact on the country's agrarian sector (27), in addition to clearing the few supporters for small farmers and, on the contrary The promotion and package of subsidies for agribusiness and large landowners, the most recent and notorious case of Agro Ingreso Seguro confirms the motivations that agricultural policies have had in Colombia.

According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Colombia is the country with the most displaced persons in the world: three million people, a figure that for some Human Rights NGOs is however modest compared to the harsh national reality. Historically, Colombian landowners have used their local political power and established strong ties with the military powers of both the state and other armed forces outside the law, to suppress the historic mobilizations of peasants and indigenous people.

In 1972 they established the Chicoral Agreement, which definitively buried the Agrarian Reform project, by materializing its impositions in Laws 4 and 5 of 1973 and 6 of 1975, legalizing the agrarian counter-reform. In recent decades, sectors of landowners supported the formation of self-defense groups or paramilitaries to repress the peasant organization and to displace peasant, colonist, indigenous or black families that interfere in their productive projects (28). And no more, on September 25 and 26, in the municipality of Melgar (Tolima), a “new Chicoral pact”, as the newspaper El Espactador baptized it, would be being established.

“(At) instances of the First Colombia Thought Center, of which the former presidential adviser José Obdulio Gaviria is a member, 60 agrarian leaders from 10 departments and two agricultural unions from Antioquia and El Valle met to take the first steps towards the constitution of the New Peasant Leadership Federation, an organization that seeks to build an alliance between businessmen, industrialists and the State to guide peasant communities ”(29).

Otra estrategia utilizada por las élites agrarias, fue la organización asociaciones de productores para lograr su “representación […] en agencias gubernamentales encargadas de diseñar políticas monetarias, fiscales y de regulación de la tenencia de la tierra” (Andrade, 2005: 37). En el caso colombiano, ya desde 1934, los terratenientes organizaron la Asociación Patriótica Económica Nacional, APEN, para oponerse abiertamente al movimiento de masas (30). Estas asociaciones tienen un peso importante en las decisiones políticas en lo que respecta a su gremio, participan en las entidades gubernamentales y las comisiones que el gobierno crea para diseñar las políticas que afectan al agro y ocupan en muchos casos los espacios que la constitución de 1991 abrió para la participación de la sociedad civil.

Como en el resto de América Latina, las políticas agrarias conllevaron a que fueran los agricultores capitalistas quienes se beneficiaran de la “liberalización de los mercados de tierras, mano de obra y capital, de la creciente apertura de la economía a la competencia internacional, del nuevo impulso exportador y de la eliminación de medidas de apoyo al sector campesino. Con más tierra más capital y recursos técnicos, con mejores lazos con los mercados nacionales y en especial los internacionales, con su mayor influencia sobre la política agrícola, los agricultores capitalistas pudieron explotar mejor que los agricultores campesinos las nuevas oportunidades que ofrecieron los mercados” (Thorp, 1998: 252).

El asunto es que mientras no se resuelvan los conflictos de tierra en Colombia, éstos seguirán siendo el caldo de cultivo del conflicto armado más antiguo del continente. Además, pone en entredicho el futuro del país que actualmente importa más de 8,1 millones de toneladas de alimentos anuales, mientras destina sus mejores tierras y grandes recursos económicos a través de subsidios y auxilios, para producir materias primas que se exportan a muy bajos precios, con pocos beneficios para Colombia.

Lo paradójico es que en medio de la más importante crisis alimentaria mundial, mientras se debieran estar promoviendo políticas públicas que revaloricen al campesinado y, enfrenten la crisis; la dirigencia colombiana solo ve el campo y la producción campesina en términos de productividad y competencia, sin entender que tan solo con profundas transformaciones en la cuestión agraria estará la base para la autonomía y la soberanía alimentaria y la paz de este herido país.

Es esto lo reclaman, en la actualidad, los movimientos sociales colombianos ligados a la tierra, la naturaleza y el territorio, caminando la palabra a través de la Minga de los Pueblos, han logrado llamar la atención sobre la importancia de liberar la madre tierra para recomponer no sólo las relaciones entre los seres humanos sino de también nuestras relaciones con la naturaleza.

Tatiana Roa Avendaño, ambientalista colombiana. Quito, 15 de octubre de 2009 . Ambientalistas en Acción – CENSAT AGUA VIVA – Ilustración: Angie Vanessa Cárdenas Roa realizada para el afiche de divulgación de la VI Semana Mesoamericana por la Diversidad Biológica y Cultural.


1- Philip McMichael (1998: 4) considera que la cuestión agraria no puede ser solo considerada como un proceso nacional porque, los procesos de globalización imprimen a ésta otro carácter y otros problemas. Mientras Bernardo Mancano Fernandes (2004: 3) considera que la cuestión agraria “nació de la contradicción estructural del capitalismo que produce simultáneamente concentración de riqueza y expansión de la pobreza y de la miseria”.

2- Fajardo, Dario, La tierra y el poder político; La reforma agraria y la reforma rural en Colombia.

3- Mejía, Mario, Monocultivos y Sustentabilidad en megaproyectos agrícolas. Especial Referencia a la palma africana y caucho, En Agrocombustibles: Llenando Tanques Vaciando Territorios, Bogotá, Censat Agua Viva, 2008

4- Fals Borda, Orlando, Historia de la Cuestión Agraria en Colombia, Bogota, Publicaciones de la Rosca, 1975. Pg: 116

5- Fals Borda (1975: 51) define el campesinado como “el conjunto de clases sociales con cuya fuerza de trabajo se hace producir la tierra de manera directa, estableciendo formas diversas de relaciones de producción”.

6- Bernardo Mancano Fernandes, Cuestión Agraria: conflictualidad y desarrollo territorial, Ponencia, 2004, Pg: 5

7- El programa AIS fue creado a través de la Ley 1133 de 2007, con el propósito de “reducir la desigualdad en el campo y preparar al sector agropecuario para enfrentar el reto de la internacionalización de la economía” según dice su web.

8- Estas categorías son desarrolladas por Mc Adam, D, Tarrow, S., Tilly, C., en Dinámica de la contienda política, Barcelona, Editorial Hacer, 2005

9- Mondragón, Héctor, Expresión y propuestas del campesinado, Bogotá, 2003.

10- Fals Borda, Orlando, Historia doble de la Costa. Tomo 4, Retorno a la tierra, Bogotá, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Banco de la República y El Áncora Editores, 2002d, Pg: 146 B

11- Mc Adam, D, Tarrow, S., Tilly, C., en su texto Dinámica de la contienda política, consideran que los repertorios de contienda representan las formas culturalmente codificadas que tiene la gente de inteactuar en la contienda política (2005: 17). La palabra repertorio identifica un conjunto limitado de rutinas aprendidas, compartidas y actuadas a través de un proceso de elección relativamente deliberado. Son creaciones culturales aprendidas que surgen de la lucha. Es a través de la protesta que la gente aprende a romper ventanas, derribar casas deshonradas, escenificar marchas públicas, peticionar, mantener reuniones formales u organizar asociaciones de interés especial. Sin embargo, en un momento particular de la historia aprende una cantidad bastante limitada de modos alternativos de acción colectiva (Tilly).

12- Fals Borda, Orlando, Historia doble de la Costa. El retorno a la tierra, Tomo 4, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Banco de la República y El Áncora Editores, 2002, pg. 21B

13- Los Nasas es el nombre original del pueblo que por muchos años fue llamado paeces, en forma despectiva por los españoles y continuó usándose en la República.

14- Es bueno resaltar que esta conquista de los movimientos indígenas, se logró no obstante en Colombia este tema tiene una extrema limitación debido a que menos del 10 % de la población rural y menos del 5 % del total de la población es considerada como indígena.

15- En 1980 en el Sur de Colombia, departamento del Cauca, se constituyó el Comando Quintín Lame, como una organización guerrillera de autodefensa indígena. El Quintín Lame, participó de los procesos de negociación de paz, que se dieron entre 1989 y 1991, que culminaron en el armisticio y la firma de la Constitución Política de 1991

16- Son ampliamente conocidos los casos de Juan de la Cruz Varela, que “había sucedido a Erasmo Valencia como dirigente de los agrarios de Sumapaz, se levantó en armas e ingresó al Partido Comunista en 1952. Rafael Rangel que había sido el alcalde nombrado por la insurrección obrera del 9 de abril en Barrancabermeja, dirigió por años un movimiento guerrillero campesino de amplio apoyo popular” (Mondragón, 2003)

17- En ese momento, Marquetalia era un asentamiento de colonización de exguerrilleros que habían firmado la paz en 1958

18- Thorp, Rosemary, “La crisis del ajuste”, Cáp. 7 en Progreso, Pobreza y Exclusión. Una historia económica de América Latina en el siglo XX, Washington: Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo. 1998. Pg: 252

19- Fajardo Montaña, Darío La reforma agraria en las agendas para la búsqueda de soluciones al conflicto armado KO’AGA ROÑE’ETA se.xi (2000) en

20- Fajardo Montaña, Darío La reforma agraria en las agendas para la búsqueda de soluciones al conflicto armado KO’AGA ROÑE’ETA se.xi (2000) en

21- El Frente Nacional es un pacto que establecieron liberales y conservadores para tumbar la dictadura militar del General Rojas Pinilla que se dio luego de la guerra civil iniciada a finales de los años 40, conocida como la violencia, generada por la polarización bipartidista en Colombia

22- Las denuncias de dinero en las campañas política del presidente Ernesto Samper, hace que la Fiscalía General de la Nación abriera un proceso jurídico que es conocido como el Proceso 8000.

23- Es importante señalar, que mientras los campesinos no tienen reconocimiento sobre sus territorios, con la excepción de los lugares donde hay constituidas y reconocidas Reservas Campesinas. A partir de la Constitución Política de 1991, indígenas y comunidades negras, cuentan con normas que protegen su propiedad colectiva de la tierra, declarando la inalienabilidad de los resguardos indígenas y de las tierras comunales de los grupos étnicos. Cabe resaltar que durante los últimos 50 años, se han reconocido algo más de 30 millones de hectáreas para la constitución y ampliación de resguardos indígenas, que representan alrededor del 59% de las tierras adjudicadas por el viejo Instituto Colombiano de Reforma Agraria (Incora), hoy Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural, INCODER.

24- El fundamento de las alianzas estratégicas es subordinar el campesino en las grandes explotaciones de cultivos comerciales, que es el modelo utilizado para vincular a los pequeños propietarios de tierra en las zonas de cultivo de palma aceitera.

25- Comisión Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz, De la Siega de la palma a la biodiversidad en Agrocombustibles: Llenando Tanques Vaciando Territorios, Bogotá, Censat Agua Viva, 2008

26- Algunos de los más importantes estimulos, incentivos y exenciones que reseña Mario Mejía (Censat Agua Viva, 2008, pág: 125-126) en su texto Monocultivos y Sustentabilidad en megaproyectos agrícolas, hace especial referencia a a los subsidios para el cultivo de palma africana y caucho: Certificado de Incentivo Forestal, CIF (Ley 139 de 1994) para plantaciones forestales. Dona el 75% de los costos de establecimiento y 50% de los costos de mantenimiento del segundo al quinto año. Incentivo de Capacitación Rural, ICR, otorga hasta el 40% del crédito para modernización rural, establecimiento y sostenimiento de pequeños productores. Agro Ingreso Seguro, AIS, cubre los costos directos a pequeños productores 100%, a medianos 80%, con el DTF menos dos puntos, plazo 15 años y 3 años de gracia. Se exime de renta líquida gravable por diez años a los cultivos de tardío rendimiento (Decreto 1970 de 2005). Fomento cauchero según Ley 686 de 2001, con un fondo creado con el 3% de las ventas, Fondo de estabilización de precios de aceite palmero (Ley 101 de 1993). El etanol esta exonerado del impuesto del valor agregado, IVA y de los impuestos y sobretasas a los combustibles (Ley 788 de 2002)

27- El más controvertido proyecto ha sido el Estatuto de Desarrollo Rural, el cual fue sancionado como la Ley 1152 de 2007 y declarado inexequible por la Corte Constitucional en el mes de marzo de 2009, debido a la fuerte presión de los movimientos campesinos, negros e indígenas, que lo demandaron su inconstitucional por no haber realizado la consulta previa en las comunidades negras e indígenas.

28- Existe numerosa literatura que documenta los casos de la palma aceitera en el Pacífico colombiano reseñados antes, pero también en las zonas bananeras del Golfo de Uraba, donde diversas denuncias han asociado a las empresas y los gremios de productores de provocar masacres o desplazamientos masivos para beneficiar sus intereses económicos. Los propios organismos del estado como la Defensoría del Pueblo y la Procuraduría General de la Nación han realizado importantes investigaciones sobre estos casos.

29- El Espectador, redacción política, Bogotá, 25 de octubre de 2009 En,0

30- Actualmente, son diversas las organizaciones de productores agrícolas que existen en Colombia: la Sociedad de Agricultores de Colombia, SAC, la Federación Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite, Fedepalma, la Federación de Cultivadores y Productores de Caña, Fedecaña, la Federación Colombiana de Ganaderos, Fedegan, la Asociación de Bananeros de Colombia, Augura, la Federación Nacional de Cafeteros, Fedecafe; son sus representantes los que participan.

Bibliographic references

– Andrade, Pablo, ¿Populismos Renovados? Ecuador y Venezuela en perspectiva comparada en Andrade A. Pablo (editor), Constitucionalismo autoritario: los regímenes contemporáneos en la Región Andina, Quito: CNE – Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, 2005

– Benítez Vargas, Regis Manuel, La reforma agraria en Colombia: vigente y por hacer en Revista de Economía colombiana No. 309, Bogotá, Contraloría General de la República, 2005

– Comisión Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz, De la Siega de la palma a la biodiversidad en Agrocombustibles: Llenando Tanques Vaciando Territorios, Bogotá, Censat Agua Viva, 2008

– Contraloría General de la República, Revista de Economía Colombiana, No. 309, Bogotá, 2005

– El Espectador, redacción política, Bogotá, 25 de octubre de 2009

– Fajardo Montaña, Dario, La tierra y el poder político. La reforma agraria y la reforma rural en Colombia en

– Fajardo Montaña, Darío La reforma agraria en las agendas para la búsqueda de soluciones al conflicto armado KO’AGA ROÑE’ETA se.xi (2000) en

– Fajardo Montaña, Las reservas campesinas: otra experiencia en la brega por la tierra y la organización, octubre de 2006. En

– Fals Borda, Orlando, Historia de la Cuestión Agraria en Colombia, Bogota, Publicaciones de la Rosca, 1975.

– Fals Borda, Orlando, Historia doble de la Costa. El retorno a la tierra, Tomo 4, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Banco de la República y El Áncora Editores, 2002

– Fernandes, Bernardo Mancano, Cuestión Agraria: conflictualidad y desarrollo territorial, Mimeografiado, 2004.

– Mc Adam, D, Tarrow, S., Tilly, C., Dinámica de la contienda política, Barcelona, Editorial Hacer, 2005

– Mejía, Mario, Monocultivos y Sustentabilidad en megaproyectos agrícolas. Especial Referencia a la palma africana y caucho, En Agrocombustibles: Llenando Tanques Vaciando Territorios, Bogotá, Censat Agua Viva, 2008

– Mondragón, Héctor, Colombia: mercado de tierras o reforma agraria, en 2002a

– Mondragón, Héctor, La organización campesina en un ambiente de terror, Bogotá, en, 2002b

– Mondragón, Héctor, Expresión y propuestas del campesinado, Bogotá, 2003. En

– McMichael, Philip, Reconsiderar la globalización otra vez la cuestión agraria, En Revista Mexicana de sociología, año L, No. 4, octubre-diciembre 1998.

– North, Liisa, “Implementación de la política económica y la estructura del poder político en el Ecuador” en Louis Lefeber (editor), Economía Política del Ecuador. Campo, Región, Nación, Quito, Corporación Editora Nacional – Flacso – Cork University, 1985.

– Thorp, Rosemary, “la crisis del ajuste”, Cáp. 1998.

– The World Bank, Colombia. Land Policy in Transition, December, 2003

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